ADDRESS BY THE HONOURABLE FRED MITCHELL,
MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS, BAHAMAS
AT THE SOUTH AFRICA-AFRICAN UNION-CARIBBEAN
DIASPORA CONFERENCE
16th MARCH, 2005

“INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS, PEACE AND SECURITY”
 

On behalf of the Prime Minister, Government and People of the Commonwealth of The Bahamas and my delegation, I wish to thank the Government of the Republic of South Africa and the Government of Jamaica for hosting this important conference.  It is an honour to have been asked to say a few words on this important topic.

This week in Nassau I addressed the students of the Model United Nations Programme sponsored by the Rotary Clubs of The Bahamas.  The topic for the debate was “Whether there is ever a role for unilateralism in the United Nations.” The idea, of course, behind the topic was to explore the process of the decision-making in and around the invasion of Iraq and the removal by force of the Government there, and the larger principles which this seemed to violate.

The Bahamas as a small nation is committed to multilateralism, the rule of law.  I made the point that it is better for both the weak and the strong that we conform to a system of agreed rules and practices so that we can ensure the peace and security of a state, and respect the sovereignty and territorial integrity of each nation and people.  I made the point, and I make the point here today, of the compelling case for the right of each nation to exist, and for each people to their way of life and their human dignity.  That must be the right message.

The Caribbean region has been intimately involved over the last two years in the question of what is to be done to help stabilize the situation in Haiti.  Last year, after months of consultation, President Jean Bertrand Aristide left Haiti under the threat of guns.  What was significant was that an early appeal to the Security Council failed to produce the necessary power to stop his removal from office. But days after his departure, the necessary authority was obtained.

Today, CARICOM is still seeking to recover from what many countries considered a breach of good faith between the powers and CARICOM. CARICOM was later dismissed in some quarters in Haiti as insignificant. Yet it remains clear that the long term peace and stability in Haiti will require a CARICOM presence, engagement with, and embrace of Haiti. Thus, the invitation to join in seeking to organize fresh elections in Haiti has been accepted by CARICOM under the banner of the United Nations.

It seems to me that the lesson in this is precisely that while the present order is in too many cases asymmetrical, we must argue for the symbiotic relationship which is an absolute necessity, which is an imperative for a new world order. Both the powerful and weak must work together for security of the world. The strong have some obligations and so do the weak. And on a more parochial level, what good is there to be in a world where you are the only rich nation or the only nation with power. That is no world at all. In fact, there are no rich without the poor and no powerful without the weak.

The great issue of the day is the question of to what extent does the international community intervene within the borders of a sovereign state to right the moral and legal order.

The clear example is that of Apartheid in South Africa and the well known pressure brought by the international community to bring that pernicious system to an end. There is the question of genocide and official murder in Kosovo, Bosnia and Rwanda.

But it is well established that these are the most egregious cases, but they do not form the basis for the defence of the doctrine of pre-emptive strikes on real and imagined wrongdoings. One must react to an actual threat.

The Bahamas worked with CARICOM to seek to bring political order to Haiti but always said to both Opposition and Government that the business of who should be the President of Haiti was not the business of The Bahamas; that was rightly a decision for Haitians.

In the case of China, we have supported and do support the sovereignty and territorial integrity of China, that there is one China which includes Taiwan. We have always urged all the parties to maintain dialogue and work toward the peaceful unity of that country, if not only in the best interests of that country but in the best interests of world peace and stability. That would clearly not be a case for any foreign power to intervene.

In the end, while one can have general principles, it is clear that hard cases make good law. Each case must turn on its own facts, and the nuances of the particular situation which faces the world. In the end, though whatever the public policy response by the world community, force must be the last resort and the first resort must be to dialogue, to the multilateral institutions, and the grand principles of the respect for the moral order, international law and practice.

I thank you very much indeed.