ADDRESS BY
THE HON. FRED MITCHELL
MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS
COMMONWEALTH OF THE BAHAMAS

BELOIT COLLEGE
BELOIT, WISCONSIN
U.S.A.
25th November 2002

U.S. Bahamian Relations in a Changing World
 

 Ladies and Gentlemen, it is an honour and a privilege to have been asked to return to this campus for a second time.  I want to thank especially my compatriot Keeval Hanna who was instrumental in organizing this visit.  I should also say thank you to the College for the education that you have provided for so many Bahamian students over the years.  I know that our students will go out and make you proud of this institution. They have been provided with an invaluable opportunity.
 Traveling with me today is Anthony Stuart, the Manager of the Bahamas Tourist Office in Chicago and the Area Manager for the Mid West Region of the United States for Bahamas Tourism.  It is the one sign of the difference between my status the last time I was here and my status today.  When I was here two years ago, I was the Opposition’s spokesman on Foreign Affairs.  Today, I represent the Government of The Bahamas as its Foreign Minister.
 It is therefore in that capacity that I would like to say a few words about US/Bahamian Relations.   There is only one word to describe our relations and that is excellent.  There is a complete and open dialogue between the two states.  The U.S Envoy to The Bahamas enjoys unprecedented access to Bahamian officials and the Bahamian people, even at the risk of criticism of the Government of allowing too much access and intervention.  But we have argued that we have an open society and we have nothing to fear from open access.
 But as you would understand there are nuances in every relationship; that we do not see things exactly on point but these nuances do not derogate from the larger picture of excellent relations.   My task today is therefore twofold, that of seeking to understand what drives American foreign policy and just where it is headed by speaking with the American people.  The other is to ensure that there is an understanding of our positions within the U.S. domestic sphere, so as to avoid any misunderstandings about where it is we are headed.
 Perhaps the closest level of cooperation with the United States is at the level of counter narcotics operations.  There are U.S. military and civilian personnel stationed in The Bahamas fighting the drug war.  We are happy to cooperate in this because while the U.S. is the ultimate destination of the drugs, the drug men have the capacity to destroy the society through which the drugs are being transshipped.  Our efforts to build a meritocracy in The Bahamas can be undermined if we are not successful in stopping the flow of drugs through and into The Bahamas, ultimately headed to the United States.  We are determined to ensure that our democracy is not undermined by illicit money.
 We are increasingly cooperating on migrant matters.  The flow of illegal migrants from Haiti and Cuba threatens to undermine our country.  We are a country of 300,000 people and it is easy to destabilize a society of that size with unchecked immigration.  When I return home later in the week, we begin the negotiations with the Haitian Government on a new treaty to regulate migration into The Bahamas from Haiti.  The United States has agreed to assist there as well since the migrants ultimately head to the United States as well.
 While I am away, a high level delegation of Bahamian officials will travel to Cuba for a regular series of consultations with the Cuban Government with which we have diplomatic relations on counter narcotics efforts.   Cuba cooperates with us in sharing intelligence information, and in the interdiction of drug traffickers.  Indeed, some 30 citizens of The Bahamas are in Cuban prisons for being involved in drug trafficking.
 The Haitian/Bahamian migrant problem is most sensitive for us politically.  The Cuban/Bahamian relationship is most problematic because this latter relationship disturbs officials in Washington.  We have a policy of practical cooperation with the Cuban Government.  The level of cooperation is just as practical as the Interest Section of the United States Government in Cuba itself.
At the moment we have no presence on the ground in Cuba and although some have suggested the level of resident Ambassadors, that is not consistent with our judgment on geopolitical realities.  We do, however, propose to put a resident Consul General in Cuba some time next year.  We have made it clear that we do not agree with or support the form of Government they have.  It is inimical to all of our values.
 Bahamians are free to travel to Cuba.  They go to school there, get health care there, do business with Cuban manufacturers and producers, go there for tourism.  The British at present conduct consular matters on our behalf including the issuing of visas to Cubans who wish to visit The Bahamas.  This cannot continue indefinitely, and we would not be able lawfully to restrict Bahamian travel to Cuba.  Necessity dictates that a Consul General’s office should be established there.
 Many have argued that in our engagement with Cuban society, we ought to see ourselves as a bridge to democracy for Cuba.  In this regard we seek to lead our Caribbean Community partners in an ever profound dialogue with Cuba and its society about the values of democracy and freedom, which our own citizens enjoy.  But apart from all that it simply makes practical and eminent sense that with a 700 mile island neighbour to our west, with millions of people living on it, we have to have relations with them.  To ignore them would be to our peril.
 And further, given the cold war that continues between the US and Cuba, there are grave security implications for The Bahamas caught in the middle.  Cuba must conduct its consular business in The Bahamas in a strict and appropriate manner.  The U.S. should not be overly sensitive to their presence in Nassau.  It is useful in the same way that their interest section is useful in Havana.
 Further, our observation as a country is that notwithstanding the official policy of the Government of the United States, U.S. citizens are voting with their feet for rapprochement with Cuba, and it would leave the country at a distinct disadvantage economically and politically if The Bahamas did not ready itself for the day of a dramatic shift in U.S. policy which is likely to come on Cuba.  And some would argue likely to come without notice or consultation with The Bahamas.
 The Bahamas has been a separate jurisdiction from the United States since 1648.  The two countries started as British colonies about the same time, and have always been administered separately.  The one time that changed was for two weeks in the 18th century on 3rd March 1776.  U.S. Naval forces came into Nassau, without firing a shot, spent two weeks carousing with the inhabitants and then took off all the stores of gunpowder and munitions that they could find to help fight the war of Independence.  We have been independent of the British for 29 years and will celebrate the 30th anniversary of that independence on 10th July 2003.
 I look forward to some dialogue on the subject raised today. But I would also say before I stop that notwithstanding that the country is small, Bahamians do have a strong sense of sovereignty. This sense of sovereignty is not offended by the pursuit aggressively of American interests abroad, but some of our people are often perplexed at the appearance of an unrelenting public pressure on small states like The Bahamas in areas that do not seem vital to the interest of America abroad.  Our people argue that almost every penny of every dollar earned in The Bahamas is spent right back in the United States.  That our society is an open economy, that there are no barriers to trade and that it has always been so.  Perhaps it is simply a feature of American diplomacy everywhere that pressure is applied where pressure is not needed.  We recognize clearly what our interests are, who the big player is in the yard and respond appropriately to protect our interests.  Sometimes that public pressure may be counterproductive when quiet diplomacy would obviously do.
 The fact is that notwithstanding all the talk about globalization and world trade, the world is still organized into nation states.  We see that in trade relations today, where even as we talk about lessening barriers to trade, the people of the Caribbean and The Bahamas complain about how difficult it is for them to travel to the United States.  Nothing is a greater source of complaints to the Bahamas Ministry of Foreign Affairs than a visa issuing policy that many Bahamians see as arbitrary and unfair.  We are struggling with a means to address it.  It is the conundrum of the move toward globalization.
 But we invite you all to come to The Bahamas.  There is no snow there, and it is generally a happy country.  Upon arrival you will have seamless transition from your culture into ours.  The reputation of our country is good abroad.  I often say to friends it’s the “Ah Ha!” factor.  When you say you are from The Bahamas, people often respond: “The Bahamas! Ah Ha!”  The issue of foreign policy then between the US and The Bahamas must in my view be operated more under the radar scope. We do not want to change that image of a country that exports that feel good factor.  That is why this dialogue and opportunity to speak to you is important.  Our friends must come to appreciate who we really are and how to deal with us; small though we are in the changing world realities.
 Thank you very much indeed!